(CNN)After 19 denials, Manson Family member Leslie Van Houten is a step closer to being free, after a parole board panel recommended her release, a spokesman for the California department of corrections said Thursday.
Read more: www.cnn.com
(CNN)After 19 denials, Manson Family member Leslie Van Houten is a step closer to being free, after a parole board panel recommended her release, a spokesman for the California department of corrections said Thursday.
Read more: www.cnn.com
Police are searching for a Michigan mother who disappeared without a tracing five days ago.
Ashley Bolter works with her mom, Julia, at Tribar Manufacturing in Howell, Michigan. She told Fox 2 the two were at work Friday when she asked me if Id be mad at her if she was to leave, said Ashley. That was earlier in the day and I said , no, if you need to, go home.
Julia was last seen leaving work around noon in a red Chevrolet with Michigan license plate DSL5 847.
The family said the missing mom had been under stress and was out of kinds the working day she left, but was supposedly heading straight home.
Her husband, Michael Bolter, had a heartfelt message for his wife. Through tears, he told Fox 2: I just wish I would have listened to her more about how she was treated at work So sorry, Julia, I love you.
Julia had a history of depression. Recently, she was heavily to participate in the planning of her two daughters weddings before she disappeared.
Shes done a lot for the wedding. She was happy about painting the chairs we did last weekend, we went out for the Fourth of July, said Michael.
The family fears something bad happened to her. Their calls to her have been going straight to voicemail.
Were supposed to go get a dress for her to be in my wedding, said Ashley. This is not right, something feels off.
She is everything to me, said Ashley. Thats my mother. Shes everything to all of us. She helped me, she helped everybody. She was always there.
The Livingston County Sheriffs deputies are analyse the disappearance.
Read more: www.foxnews.com
The Weinstein Company’s electricity drama The Current War received a jolt of star power on Tuesday, as Nicholas Hoult is nearing a deal to play Nikolai Tesla in the film, Mashable has confirmed.
Benedict Cumberbatch and Michael Shannon star as Thomas Edison and George Westinghouse, who famously feuded over electricity in the late 1880 s.
Edison argued for direct current( DC ), while Westinghouse supported alternative current( AC ), which had more backing at the time.
Tesla was the famous Serbian engineer who worked for both Edison and Westinghouse. He was previously portrayed onscreen by none other than David Bowie in Christopher Nolan’s The Prestige .
Alfonso Gomez-Rejon ( Me and Earl and the Dying Girl) is directing the period cinema, which was written by Michael Mitnick.
Hoult, who plays Beast in the X-Men franchise and recently co-starred in Mad Max: Fury Road , will soon be seen as J.D. Salinger in the indie drama Rebel in the Rye . He has also wrap the war movie Sand Castle and the action-thriller Collide .
[ H/ T TheWrap ]
Brian Forde shouts over the din of the crowd packed inside a coworking space on a November evening in Irvine, California.
“Hello! Hello! Hello! Thank you all so much for coming out,” he yells as he takes the stage.
It’s been exactly one week since Democrats pulled off upset wins in states across the country on election night in 2017, and Forde, dressed in a slim-fitting suit and button down shirt, looks the part of the fresh-faced, first time congressional candidate these energized donors have come to see.
As soon as they quiet down, Forde instructs the roughly 100 people staring back at him to take out their phones. “We’re livestreaming this on Facebook right now. Hellooooo Facebook,” he says, waving at the camera to his right. He then asks the group to search for his Facebook page—Brian Forde for Congress—and share the stream with their friends and followers. Some are taking longer than others.
“Scroll down a little bit,” he urges, guiding them through each step. Then, with a smile: “There I am. See?”
It's fitting that Forde would lead off with, essentially, a technology tutorial. The 37-year-old Democrat (and former Republican) only recently returned here to his hometown in California’s 45th congressional district after serving for a year as director of a digital currency initiative at MIT Media Lab. Before that, he worked as a senior advisor to President Barack Obama in the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. And before that, he founded a Skype-like phone service to lower the cost of phone calls for people in Nicaragua. In a YouTube video that features prominently on his campaign website, Forde traces his career back to the first motherboard he ever dissected.
'Regulation being driven by legislators who don't even understand the internet is a bad idea.'
Wikipedia Founder Jimmy Wales
Forde’s intimate understanding of the tech industry isn’t just window dressing for his campaign. It’s the foundation. It’s why, for instance, he’s invited Wikipedia founder Jimmy Wales to deliver a talk on fake news at that evening's fundraiser. Wales and other tech titans, including Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, billionaire venture capitalist Chris Sacca, and former chief technology officer of the United States Todd Park, are just a few of Forde’s well-heeled industry supporters. This week, Forde's campaign announced that for the second quarter in a row, he has raised more money than every candidate in the district, including Republican incumbent Rep. Mimi Walters.
If a tech backlash exists, Forde isn’t feeling it. Or at least, he's not fearing it. “Look at drones, self-driving vehicles, cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Crispr, artificial intelligence,” Forde tells me, months after the fundraiser. “Every industry is affected by tech, and yet we’re missing the knowledge and expertise in Congress to understand that and see around the corner and be proactive, not reactive.”
His influential backers tend to agree. "Regulation being driven by legislators who don't even understand the internet is a bad idea," Wales says.
The complex and increasingly dangerous role technology plays in democracy, Forde believes, provides all the more motivation for people like him to run for office. And this year, many of them are. In states from Massachusetts to Michigan to Virginia to, of course, California, startup founders, developers, and tech investors are making a play for the 2018 midterms. One PAC called 314 Action has called on scientists and technologists to run for office; it received 7,000 messages from people announcing their intention to run in the near future.
It helps, too, that the largely liberal tech industry has been among the top donors to Democrats in recent years. Individual tech leaders, including LinkedIn founder Reid Hoffman, have already begun funding a slate of Congressional candidates in preparation for November.
And yet some candidates emphasize their tech credentials at their own peril. Just a few months ago, Congress dragged Twitter, Facebook, and Google in to answer for the Russian trolls that ran amok on their platforms during the 2016 election; some have likened it to tech's big tobacco moment. And a general unease has set in around the industry's overabundant power.
It's a bipartisan skepticism. Those on the far right, led by fringe group Project Veritas, suspect that Twitter and others have liberal bias powering their algorithms. Supporters of Hillary Clinton, meanwhile, have accused tech companies of getting too cozy with the Trump campaign, after learning tech companies embedded staff with the Republican candidate's digital team. For many, Big Tech has bred distrust—not an ideal quality for a political candidate.
'Someone who understands tech running for office with the intention of fixing those things, to me that’s very patriotic.'
Congressional Candidate Brianna Wu
"People are absolutely correct to be suspicious of Silicon Valley at this point," says Brianna Wu, a game developer and a central target of the mass harassment campaign against women in the industry known as GamerGate. Wu, who is running in Massachusetts' 8th district against Democratic incumbent Stephen Lynch, has emerged from that experience as one of the industry's chief critics. But, she says, "Someone who understands tech running for office with the intention of fixing those things, to me that’s very patriotic."
According to Republican representative Will Hurd of Texas, who has a degree in computer science and founded a cybersecurity company before running for office, it's not that Congress doesn't care about tech-focused issues. It's just that very few of the lawyers and career politicians that populate the House and the Senate can engage in sophisticated conversations about issues like cybersecurity and social media disinformation. "Whether there’s a tech backlash or not, we’re moving in an increasingly connected world and have to be prepared for that," Hurd says. "The more technologists we have, we can begin talking about higher level questions about the future, rather than where we are now."
On election night, 2016, Suneel Gupta and his wife, tech journalist Leena Rao, sat in their home in San Francisco, where Gupta's suitcase was already packed. As a tech advisor on Clinton's transition team, he had scheduled a meeting with then-Labor Secretary Tom Perez the next day to discuss the new administration's tech strategy going forward. Gupta, who sold his healthcare app Rise in 2016, had started his career as an intern in the first Clinton White House, and looked forward to shaping the second one. He never got the chance.
That night, watching the results roll in, Gupta says he decided he wanted to move back to the Michigan town where he spent 28 of his 38 years, and run for office. Among the first people he asked for advice was Hoffman, who had backed Gupta's business in the past. "That was the first time he got out from behind his desk and walked around and gave me a big bear hug," Gupta remembers.
"Congress certainly has its challenges, and it’s estimable of him to charge ahead at improving our country," Hoffman says. "I call this, as I did with him, 'jumping on the public service grenade.'"
But unlike Forde and Wu, Gupta is running in a district that Trump won, in a part of the country that has suffered economically while watching coastal tech epicenters amass unprecedented amounts of wealth. That makes the task of accentuating his experience in tech, without alienating voters who associate the industry with liberal elitism, tricky. "You have to be strategic about how you talk about yourself," Gupta acknowledged at a recent fundraiser of about a dozen supporters, held at the LGBT Community Center in Manhattan. "If I'd gone out there and said, 'Hey I’m this guy who understands tech, and I want to bring that here to the region,' I don't think I would win this election."
In just the few short months since he's been back, the differences between San Francisco and suburban Detroit have been evident. Gupta, who is Indian, has had voters say they wish his name was Neil, not Suneel, or tell him straight-faced that "a brown guy can’t take this district."
"It’s pretty funny because in San Francisco, they're so politically correct," Gupta told the group at the fundraiser.
'Tech for me was an incredible learning experience. I got to learn how to be a small business owner, how to balance a budget, how to create jobs.'
Congressional Candidate Suneel Gupta
His central challenge has been convincing voters that despite his detour out west, he's still part of the community and understands what they've been through. And in a lot of ways, he does. Where Forde's stump speech touches on topics like the Equifax hack, the abuse of predictive algorithms in the criminal justice system, and Volkswagen using software to cheat on emissions standards, Gupta's focuses on his parents, both of whom worked at Ford for 30 years.
His mother, who came to this country as a refugee, was the company's first female engineer. Then, in a single day in April 2001, both his parents got laid off. Gupta's first campaign video centers on his parents' story, with the candidate posing beside a waist-high stack of papers that supposedly contain the North American Free Trade Agreement, which is often blamed for sending these and other manufacturing jobs overseas. It's all a little Trumpian, but Gupta hopes it's a message voters in this area will identify with, while also staying true to his own story.
"Saying I'm the tech guy who has all the answers to your problems is not true, and that’s not what people here need to know about me," Gupta tells me. "I'm part of an auto family that lost their jobs. Tech for me was an incredible learning experience. I got to learn how to be a small business owner, how to balance a budget, how to create jobs. That’s the experience I'm bringing to my district."
In Michigan, at least, Gupta won't be the only candidate evangelizing tech jobs. One of his primary challengers, Haley Stevens, most recently worked at the Digital Manufacturing and Design Innovation Institute in Chicago and has been pushing an agenda based on bringing more advanced manufacturing jobs to the area.
This message about jobs was also central to Democrat representative Ro Khanna's successful run for Congress in 2016, albeit in a very different part of the country: California's 17th congressional district, which covers Silicon Valley. But he says in his first few months in office, he's seen his colleagues in states like Kentucky and Ohio prioritize tech as critical to creating new jobs.
"I'm all for technologists running for Congress," Khanna says, "but I think what’s more important is for every person in Congress to think that having some tech literacy and technology proficiency is important."
Still, Gupta, Wu, and Forde all maintain they're not running as cheerleaders of the industry. They're running because the industry has amassed a new and unprecedented kind of power that elected leaders in Washington haven't quite figured out how to handle.
That's why instead of hosting a rally for his campaign in November, Forde asked Wales to host a forum on fake news, a central challenge to US democracy. And it's why, when he took the stage that night, he made sure everyone in the room shared Wales' words with their friends on Facebook. As Forde told the audience that night, "This issue is too important for just us in the room."
When Democrats made big gains in November 2017, they proved that big risks were worth taking
But it would help if state parties were more willing to share voter info with progressive challengers
Monday marks 50 years since the first US mass shooting of the modern epoch. It also brings a controversial gun law to campuses across the Lone Star State
It was 1 August 1966, and Gary Lavergne was a 10 -year-old boy in Church Point, Louisiana. His household did not have much, but they had a television. When his father, the local chief of police, came home after work they watched the evening news on CBS.
The anchor, Walter Cronkite, pertained the big tale of the day: a human had climbed the famous tower at the core of the University of Texas campus in Austin and shot passersby with a rifle. The act felt shocking in its scale and its originality.
That nut is depicting everybody whats possible and were going to see a lot more of this, Lavergne remembered his father saying.
Ill never forget the style he said that, he added. And Ill be danged if he wasnt right.
Charles Whitman killed 17 people, including an unborn child, and injured more than 30. The UT Tower massacre was the first mass shooting on a US college campus.
At a period when television news was expanding in reach and cultural influence and melding important moments into shared national experiences, it was arguably mainstream Americas introduction to a now familiar type of crime: an armed individual inflicting tremendous and unexpected violence at a locating whose name would come to be used as shorthand for tragedy.
Lavergne wrote a thorough account of Whitmans slayings, A Sniper in the Tower, in 1997. Today he works in the universitys admissions research department and its term of office is on the ground floor of the tower.
It was kind of an introduction to the concept that a person will do this and he doesnt dedicate a damn about whether hell live or die, he said. We werent used to that. People who committed crimes, you assume they wanted to get away. Well , not this guy. He ran up there and he knew he wasnt coming down alive.
What we do find about the people who do these things is that theyre losers, and by that I mean theyre failures, even if only in their own intellect, and they decide they dont want to live any more but they dont want to commit suicide. They want to die in a big way, being in complete control and essentially doing the thing they can do better than everybody else, and in Whitmans case thats using a gun.
A diligent and intelligent student from Florida who at age 12 was said to be the worlds youngest Eagle Scout, Whitman was an exceptional marksman. He joined the US Marines aged 18, escaping his violent, oppressive father. In 1961, he was sent on a scholarship programme to the University of Texas but his behaviour became erratic and indisciplined. Despite being court-martialled for offences including lottery, he was honourably discharged from the marines in 1964 and returned to Austin to resume his analyzes. His parents separated, his mental health deteriorated and he fantasised to a psychiatrist about shooting people from the tower.
On 1 August 50 years ago, a little after 11.30 am, the 25 -year-old took the elevator to the 27 th floor, then climbed the steps to the observation deck, 231 ft up, and enacted his horrific vision. He had killed his wife and his mother earlier that day, as well as three people inside the tower, one a 16 -year-old boy.
As Lavergne writes, at about 11.45 am, Claire Wilson, an 18 -year-old student, and her boyfriend, Thomas Eckman, were strolling through a tree-lined part of the main quadrilateral into an open, concreted region below the tower that seems much the same now as it did then, save for last years removal of got a couple of statues.
There was a pop sound and Wilson dropped to the ground. The precisely aimed 6mm bullet had rent through her womb, instantly killing the newborn boy she had carried for eight months. Eckman knelt down and asked what was wrong. A round entered his back and he fell down, dead, on his girlfriend. The body count rapidly grew as Whitman walked around the 360 -degree deck, picking targets.
One was on the edge of the campus, a short walking from the middle of downtown Austin and the Texas statehouse and more than 500 yards from the tower. Crouching behind a Chevrolet as the spree continued, Lavergne writes, Roy Dell Schmidt stood up to say something like, Its OK, were out of range. Whitman shot him dead, through the abdomen. The last victim did not die until 2001, when David Gunby passed away aged 58 from complications related to a meander in his only functioning kidney.
Wilson was seriously injured but survived. She is scheduled to speak on Monday, when the university dedicates a new memorial to the victims. The anniversary coincides with the implementation of a new and highly controversial statute passed by Texas Republican-dominated legislature that compels public universities, including the University of Texas, to allow licensed individuals aged 21 and over to carry concealed handguns in most campus buildings.
Read more: www.theguardian.com
Josh Tetrick offered employees of his food startup Hampton Creek Inc. a morale boost by telling them that the company is about to reach coveted unicorn status. The co-founder and chief executive officer told personnel that its finalizing a funding round valuing the Just Mayo maker at $1.1 billion, placing it among a group of venture-backed unicorn startups with valuations of at least$ 1 billion.
Tetrick told employees on Friday that a German media group will join a roster of investors from Asia and the U.K ., as well as a higher net wealth person in Silicon Valley, according to a person who attended the meeting. Tetrick also said Hampton Creek had raised a previously unreported funding round of a little bit over $100 million, which valued the business at $750 million, said the person, who asked not to be named for fear of reprisal.
Tetrick didnt specify how much money the company is looking to raise in the upcoming round, the person said. Hampton Creek was seeking about $200 million from investors earlier this year valuing the business at $1.1 billion, people familiar with the matter told Bloomberg in May.
Im confident that its going to get done, Tetrick said at the gathering on Friday in its San Francisco headquarters, according to a transcript provided by the person in attendance. That get onto done could happen, really, any time in the next 48 hours or the next 21 days.
Hampton Creek declined to comment, as did German media companies Axel Springer SE and ProSiebenSat. 1 Media SE.
Tetrick, 36, started Hampton Creek in 2011, pitching it as a food-tech innovator able to analyze plant proteins to devise new consumer products. The startup convinced top Silicon Valley venture capitalists Khosla Ventures and Founders Fund to buy in, along with billionaires including Hong Kongs Li Ka-shing and Yahoo! s Jerry Yang. The last reported financing was a $90 million share marketing in 2014, which Tetrick told employees last week had valued the company at $190 million.
If Hampton Creek does achieve unicorn status just five years after its founding, the event would demonstrate Tetricks ability to successfully marketplace Hampton Creek as a technology company, rather than a more gravity-bound consumer products business. Like most venture-backed tech startups with valuations of at the least$ 1 billion, Hampton Creek is losing money. It forecast a loss of $63 million this year, according to financial documents reviewed by Bloomberg in May.
Hampton Creek took some unconventional steps as it grew. Starting as early as 2014, it paid contractors to buy up large quantities of the companys own products from supermarkets across the U.S ., which attained them appear more popular than they genuinely were, Bloomberg reported this month. Some workers were also directed to call store directors pretending to be customers to stoked demand for Just Mayo, e-mails depict. Hampton Creek said the buys were principally for quality assurance and represented less than 0.12 percentage of the companys marketings. Documents considered by Bloomberg reveal Hampton Creek bought hundreds of jars separately from the quality-control program with the purpose of helping boost sales.
At the session last week, employees peppered Tetrick with questions about the buyback program and asked why the fundraising process was taking so long. The CEO sought to ease their concerns. He said he expected the board of directors would pass a resolution by Tuesday that would give him more autonomy to running the business more efficiently. One instance he dedicated was that management would no longer need the boards approving to hire an executive earning $250,000 a year, said the person who attended the meeting.
While Tetrick told faculty that Hampton Creek has $90 million in the bank, he said he expects the company to burn through $75 million by the end of next year. In addition to collecting cash from investors in the next month, Tetrick said Hampton Creek will likely procured a credit facility by the end of 2017. He said the company is hoping to break even on cash flow by the fourth quarter of next year.
However, Tetrick exhorted employees to clamp down on spending and avoid hiring too quickly.
Its very easy to have millions of dollars in a bank account and then not, Tetrick told employees. It virtually happened with Tesla. It virtually happened with Facebook. It happens to lots of companies all the time.
Read more: www.bloomberg.com
Henry Ford hospital is one of the busiest in Michigan, and with many patients on Medicare and Medicaid it stands to be impacted greatly by an Obamacare repeal. As the debate rages, one doctor remains the calm at the center of the storm
Its Monday, generally the busiest day for any ER, but at Henry Ford hospital in Detroit, its biblical. Patients lie in beds lined up along soft hallways with harsh light, and the doctors have what they call a campfire going, a ring of moaning patients huddled in beds around a central dispatch area. An alarm sounds, and Dr Gerard Martin has two minutes to prepare. He doesnt yet know what tragedy will arrive by ambulance into the resuscitation bay, but he knows its a matter of life or death.
The doctor and the patient arrive at the recess room at the same time: Martin in a white lab coat with a rapid energy devoid of panic, and the patient naked and unresponsive. One of two resuscitation bays where the most severe cases are taken, the room is all stainless steel and focused dynamism. Fourteen medical professionals swirl the room, unwrapping plastic packages and holding needles while paramedics perform CPR. Two nurses ready a yellow and black machine that looks like a drill press with an oversized button where the chuck would be.
We call that the thumper, Martin winks before guiding a resident who is threading a needle into the flesh near the patients collarbone. The thumper is an automated CPR machine, manufactured in Michigan. A tech attaches it around the mans body. The piston compresses his chest with a pneumatic sound and a click, like one of the stamping machines in Detroits long-gone factories.
The patients belly fat roils, his ribs break. Five minutes. Another resident squirts blood into a pan. Ten minutes. The patients son is escorted from the room. Twenty minutes. The ambulance asks for its stretcher back.
Time of death: 7.26pm, heart attack.
Read more: www.theguardian.com
WASHINGTON President-elect Donald Trump likes sending mean tweets that single out automobile companies for not attaining vehicles in the United States, but there is no such thing as a altogether American-made auto.
While there are many automobiles that are ultimately assembled in the U.S ., none are composed entirely of American-made parts, thanks to supply chains that go back and forth across national borders.
Federal law requires automakers to disclose the percentage of North American content in a vehicle. The most “American” cars, in agreement with the government’s data for 2016, are the Chevrolet Traverse, the GMC Acadia and the Honda Accord, each of which scored 80 percent.
“When was the last car produced that was 100 percentage stimulated in America? it might have been the Model T, ” said Frank DuBois, a supply chain expert and professor at American University’s Kogod School of Business. “Nothing is 100 percent stimulated in America.”
Trump has picked on automakers as high-profile examples of firms changing production to other countries instead of maintaining it all in the U.S ., a phenomenon Trump blamed on trade bargains like the North American Free Trade Agreement. But the various components of cars and trucks come from all over the place it’s not as simple as “made in the USA” or “not induced in the USA.” For instance, you could buy an ostensibly Japanese Honda CR-V that was assembled in Mexico with 70 percent American parts.
Along with a percentage, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration data indicates the country where vehicles are assembled and the country of origin for the engine and the transmission. Federal law necessitates manufacturers to stick the info on a label for the benefit of vehicle shoppers.
DuBois said the federal automobile content info has some shortcomings, including that it lets automakers round up and even count Canadian parts as American. So DuBois sets out his own listing, which builds on the federal data and is called the Kogod Made in America Auto Index.
Because it includes criteria on the locating of a vehicle’s growth and its company’s corporate headquarters, the Kogod list dedicates the Honda Accord a lower rank in favor of autos made by American companies. Three GM vehicles share the top spot: the Buick Enclave, the Chevy Traverse and the GMC Acadia.
This week, Donald Trump attacked GM and Toyota on Twitter for attaining certain cars abroad, but the president-elect flubbed facts in each case. On Tuesday he chided GM for selling a Mexican-made version of the Chevy Cruze in the U.S ., even though the vast majority of Cruzes sold here last year were attained in Ohio. The automobile scores about 60 percent on both the government and DuBois’ lists.
On Thursday Trump blasted Toyota for allegedly building a Corolla plant in Baja, Mexico. The new plant will actually be in Guanajuato; the company announced the move in 2015 and said it was changing production to Mexico from Canada , not the U.S.
“Toyota has been part of the culture fabric in the U.S. for virtually 60 years, ” the company said this week. “Production volume or employment in the U.S. will not lessening as a result of our new plant in Guanajuato, Mexico announced in April 2015. ”
Read more: www.huffingtonpost.com
The Porsche 911, like the Ford Mustang and Chevrolet Corvette, has pulled off the neat trick of remaining thoroughly modern yet utterly timeless. The latest models look a lot like the car that rolled into the Frankfurt Motor Show in 1963, making it instantly recognizable even to people with no interest in cars.
You could fill a small library with the books written about the venerable sports car from Stuttgart, and the newest is Gestalten’sPorsche 911: The Ultimate Sportscar as Culture Icon by the almost perfectly named Ulf Poschardt. It details, in beautiful detail, the evolution of the 911.
The car’s iconic status belies its humble origins with the VW Beetle, which Ferdinand Porsche designed. The Beetle begat the Porsche 956, which Poschardt describes asa “functionalist manifesto.” It emphasized aerodynamics, minimal weight, and practicality—characteristics his grandson, Ferdinand “Butzi” Porsche, emphasized when he set out to build a more comfortable, more powerful vehicle. That car, the 911, featuredtwo doors, four seats, and a roof that sloped from the windshield to the taillights, nearly covering the engine out back.
The 911 didn’t get much attention at the Frankfurt Motor Show, according to Poschardt, but the design proved a winner. The details have changed in the five decades since, but the fundamental lines are just as beautiful today as they were then.